Another Turbulent Year for the Arroyo Presidency

Events in 2007 show that the political crisis that almost resulted in the ouster of the Macapagal-Arroyo administration in 2005 is far from being resolved. It has, in fact, worsened in 2007 as old issues continue to hound it and new scandals have emerged.

BY BENJIE OLIVEROS
Bulatlat

The Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo administration must have expected a calmer year this 2007. After all, local and national elections were scheduled in May; it had sent a chilling message to all in 2006 that it would preempt all attempts at ousting it by bearing down hard on those who would dare to; and time is on its side, having completed half of its “term” thus, the opposition may be convinced to just sit it out and wait till 2010.

But what happened was another turbulent year for the administration. Old issues kept on hounding it and new issues began to emerge. And before the year ended, it was adjudged the most corrupt president in the country’s history, surpassing even the much-hated Marcos dictatorship, and its satisfaction rating slid even further. According to the surveys of the Social Weather Station, Mrs. Arroyo’s net satisfaction ratings went down from -4 and -3 during the first two quarters of 2007 before plunging to -11 during the third quarter and -16 percent for the fourth quarter.

Before that, the Filipino people have already shown indications of restlessness. In a Pulse Asia survey in October, seventy percent of the Filipino people wanted that further investigations on the controversial ZTE contract for a National Broadband Network (NBN) be conducted; 61 percent are willing to sign a petition letter calling for the resignation of a president who is involved in corruption; 27 percent are willing to join rallies; 26 percent re willing to speak out during rallies against corruption; and 25 percent are willing to do whatever is necessary to oust a corrupt president.

Elections

Historically, elections had a way of releasing political steam. The attention of the general public is diverted to the elections; and it provides a venue where the administration and the opposition can compete and settle their differences and tensions peacefully.

Unfortunately for the administration, the May 2007 elections resulted in the opposite. The people vented their ire on the administration, through the elections, by dumping senatorial candidates who are identified with Mrs. Arroyo. Progressive party-list groups who were the targets of an operation to deny them seats in the Lower House through an operation of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) retained five seats from their previous six. The Commission on Elections (Comelec) even lent a helping hand by suddenly experiencing an epiphany and enforcing the first party rule that limits the granting of the maximum number of seats to the party-list which topped the elections (This ruling known as the Panganiban formula has been in existence since the 2001 elections but was never implemented probably because Bayan Muna topped the 2001 and 2004 party-list elections.)

But what did the administration in was its desperate efforts to preempt its trashing in the elections. It fielded Malacañang-sponsored party-list groups. Worse, it committed massive electoral fraud, using the same machinery – the Comelec in the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao – that it used during the fraud-ridden 2004 presidential elections. Expectedly, the public discovered it immediately and the successor of former Comelec Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano, who was thrust to the limelight because of the Hello Garci tapes, as key operator in these fraudulent operations was quickly exposed namely, Maguindanao elections supervisor Lintang Bedol.

This provided the impetus for the revival of the investigation on the “Hello Garci” tapes, which recorded cell phone conversations between Mrs. Arroyo and then Comelec Commissioner Garcillano when they were plotting to ensure that she wins by a million votes versus the late Fernando Poe Jr. in the May 2004 presidential elections. Taking the cue from this, Sen. Panfilo Lacson resurfaced T. Sgt. Vidal Doble who testified to the authenticity of the controversial tapes. Questions regarding the legitimacy of the Arroyo presidency were revived.

The opposition-dominated Senate threatened to investigate all unresolved issues involving the administration such as the fertilizer scam, among others. The Macapagal-Arroyo administration tried to ignore these issues dismissing it as ‘politicking’. But before the issue died down, Jose De Venecia III, son of House Speaker and Arroyo ally Jose De Venecia, came out with the explosive expose’ that then Comelec Chair Benjamin Abalos Sr., helped by Mrs. Arroyo’s husband Jose Miguel Arroyo, tried to corner the overpriced NBN contract for ZTE of China through bribery and threats.

Because of the expose’ on the involvement of Jose Miguel Arroyo, the scandal regarding the controversial NBN-ZTE contract knocked right at the doors of Malacañang.

Impeachment and bribery

To preempt the filing of another impeachment complaint against Mrs. Arroyo on the basis of the NBN-ZTE contract, the administration again used the same ploy but this time hiring Roel Pulido to replace Marcos lapdog and look-alike Oliver Lozano in filing another weak impeachment complaint. So when a genuine and stronger complaint was filed it was promptly rejected by Arroyo’s paid hacks in Congress citing the provision that only one impeachment complaint may be filed against a government official in a year.